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III
On being a Woman Writer in the Netherlands |
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Twenty-five years ago,
in the spring of 1983, the Dutch Sinologist and professor of Comparative
Literature at the University of Utrecht, Douwe W. Fokkema, delivered the
three Erasmus Lectures. In these lectures he presented the major results
of his research into the literary conventions of Modernism and
Postmodernism, mentioning among other Modernist writers the Dutch woman
writer Carry van Bruggen. One year later, back in the Netherlands, he
and his co-author Elrud Ibsch published their pioneering book on
European Modernism. Distinctly new in their approach to Modernism was
that the authors not only analyzed the works of Joyce, Larbaud, Proust,
Gide, Virginia Woolf, Italo Svevo, Robert Musil and Thomas Mann, but
also explicitly inscribed three Dutch writers into the modernist canon:
Menno ter Braak, Eddy du Perron, and Carry van Bruggen, the woman writer
who is the central figure in these lectures. Another four years later,
in 1988, Fokkema and Ibsch’s book was published in an English edition.
Now, as it turned out, the chapter on Carry van Bruggen was omitted and
replaced, as suggested by the editor, with one on Eliot. |
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This is both an amusing and a shocking example of how at the time all
kinds of extra-literary considerations affected the determination of
what was and what was not allowed to enter the international canon of
Modernism. Carry van Bruggen was fashionable for a brief period in the
1980s in Dutch comparative literature as a Modernist author, but, for
whatever reason, she was dropped from the international process of
constructing the Modernist canon, which in the meantime has fortunately
been entirely deconstructed. All the same, it is to the credit of
Fokkema and Ibsch that they were the first in the Netherlands to
recognise Carry van Bruggen as a Modernist writer. |
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An important theme of the Modernists is the relation between oneself and
others, as well as the power relations at stake in that relationship. In
my first lecture I examined that relation in the case of Carry van
Bruggen in terms of her Jewish identity. I considered four of her novels
in which Jewry and anti-Semitism in the Netherlands were the theme, and
analysed the position that her work occupied within the debate on this
theme among Jewish and non-Jewish writers and intellectuals in the
Netherlands before the First World War. The second lecture concentrated
on the new identity which she assumed on the eve of the First World War
as a thinking woman, discussing the problems that this raised for
herself and for others. She was thereby able to write her great essay on
cultural history, Prometheus, which constituted her response to
the experience of the First World War. |
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Today’s lecture follows the search of the writer Carry van Bruggen for
what being a Jew and a woman meant in the postwar years. The relation of
herself to others formed the theme of her last novel, Eve, of
1927. I shall concentrate on a few cultural historical aspects of this
novel and on its contemporary reception. Eve immediately came to
play a role in the debate conducted in the 1920s on the ‘women’s novel’
that was for the new generation of Dutch writers the symbol of the old
realist literary convention that they wanted to distance themselves
from. The ideas about femininity which circulated in literary criticism
betrayed the same essentialism as that which we came across in the
discussion of Carry van Bruggen’s Jewish identity. Now femininity was
deployed as something distinctive in the construction of a new literary
canon. |
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‘On or about December 1910
human character changed’, Virginia Woolf remarked in the well-known
essay ‘Mr. Bennett and Mrs. Brown’, the defence of Modernism that she
delivered before a puzzled Cambridge audience in 1924. She went on to
explain: |
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The precise date
is debatable, but she was right in pointing out a new way of looking at
the world and a new conception of reality that grew rapidly in the
prewar years. Carry van Bruggen’s change of sensibility can be traced in
the same period in her novels The abandoned from 1910 and
Helen from 1913. In the first novel, the son Daniel refused to obey
the absolute truth of orthodox Jewry, in the person of his father, any
longer; in Helen the girl who was growing up came into conflict
with the truth that was taken for granted and presented as reality by
the world around her. In both novels the realities confronting the
protagonists were called into question, but at the same time the newly
won insight was regarded as a loss with which neither Daniel nor Helen
could live. While in these two novels Carry van Bruggen was already
reasoning as she weighed up the value of different realities, in the
essays that she wrote during the war she only applied the procedure of
unmasking to patriotism and chauvinism. In her essay of 1919,
Prometheus, she gained the insight that it was impossible to
distinguish clearly between true and false, right or wrong. As a
consequence, objectivity and causality could not be applied when it came
to judging human actions. |
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To support her
view of Prometheus as a Modernist work, Elrud Ibsch lists a
series of Modernist elements. Carry van Bruggen’s alternative to the old
dogmas and authoritarian attitudes consisted of humour, tolerance and
historical awareness, which were signally lacking in the positivism that
she called ‘the foundation of modern dogmatism’. But despite the calling
into question of certain values, her new view of reality still made it
possible to opt for a position, albeit combined with an awareness that
another’s opinion was equally defensible and provisional as her own. At
the end of Prometheus, referring to the story ‘Inn of
Tranquillity’ by the author whom she admired so much, John Galsworthy,
she wrote that even the ‘Inn of Tranquillity’ |
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This metaphor is
strongly reminiscent of Paul Klee’s Angelus Novus of 1910 which
is propelled towards the future by the storm of the past. |
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Elrud Ibsch seems to believe that the process of shaking off the
absolute truths of Jewry in Carry van Bruggen’s youth liberated her
completely from her Jewish identity. In her account of the development
of Carry van Bruggen to become ‘a female novelist who to a large extent
thinks and writes as a Modernist’, she discusses the essays
Prometheus (1919) and Contemporary fetishism (1927) as well
as the novel Eve (1927), but she does not once mention the series
of four Jewish collections of stories that Carry van Bruggen published
between 1921 and 1924. This is no doubt connected with the purpose of
the study by Fokkema and Ibsch: to describe the shared characteristics
of Modernist texts. That approach required them to confine themselves to
those writers who had drawn up the Modernist conventions and to the
first readers to recognise and codify them. In the case of Carry van
Bruggen, it was Menno ter Braak, whom Fokkema and Ibsch label as a
Modernist, who was such a ‘first reader’ and who several times repeated
his claim to have found a kindred spirit in the author of Prometheus
and Eve, but never referred to Carry van Bruggen’s work that
appeared in the period between these two
works. Since the
publication of the study by Fokkema and Ibsch in 1988, Modernism as a
literary tendency has been replaced by a pluralistic view of the
experience of modernity, which is why the term ‘Modernisms’ is now
preferred. The term Modernism is no longer taken to refer to a
particular period or a particular group of (primarily male) writers of
the ‘generation of 1914’, as Wyndham Lewis called himself, Pound, Eliot
and Joyce, who were canonised by the New Criticism in the 1920s and
1930s. Today the emphasis is on particular textual particularities with
an awareness that they are closely connected with the rejection of
liberal aesthetics and ethical values. |
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I consider that
not just the 1927 novel Eve, but also the second series of Jewish
books by Carry van Bruggen admit of a Modernist interpretation.
Ambivalence and being an outsider were the theme of her prewar Jewish
novels, and such ambivalences certainly put her on a Modernist track.
Carry van Bruggen’s Jewish identity did not just play a very important
role in the rise of her Modernist awareness, but it also continued
to play that part. The problems connected with being different from
others that characterised her first series of Jewish novels before the
war, such as In the shadow and Little knitting school,
were resumed after the war, though now from a very different
perspective. One of Carry van Bruggen’s biographers, Ruth Wolf, strongly
emphasised the different character of this second series. She wrote:
‘The phase of commiseration soaked in bitterness, the urge to
demonstrate the meaning of Jewishness by means of extreme examples, is
over – obliterated in her wrestling with the Prometheus motif’.
According to Wolf, it was now a nostalgia for lost certainties, ‘for the
irrevocably lost protection of the Jewish home’, that drove Carry van
Bruggen ‘to bear witness to the richness of her old roots’. It was thus
an À la recherche du temps perdu – and as in Proust’s most famous
work, it is scents, colours and melodies that seem to effortlessly evoke
the flood of childhood recollections for Carry van Bruggen:
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Now that the
programmatic character of The abandoned and The little Jew
in particular has gone, the naturalist tendency of her prewar novels is
gradually replaced by a new way of writing, in which many Modernist
techniques can be distinguished. Language and style, the construction
and technique of the stories, are subordinated to what goes on in the
minds of the characters – which increasingly becomes the mind of the
author herself. That is the only place where the coherence of the
stories can be found, for hardly anything takes place in the stories,
which have neither framework nor end and are only minimally supported by
facts. Narrative unity is achieved by devices such as parallelism in the
chapters, in the grouping of the characters, in the obsessive repetition
of sentences and phrases, of images that become symbols, in the echo of
the beginning at the end of the story, or in the reflection of a
character’s emotional state in the landscape. Carry van Bruggen’s style
of writing also uses cohesive elements to express her view of the unity
of perception and vision, of thought and knowledge, and of knowing and
feeling. In Little Adventures (1922), for instance, she writes:
‘The word “Norway” smells of the planks that lie on rafts in the water’.
In a perceptive study of Carry van Bruggen, Jacobs writes that the mood
of the characters is ‘caught up in a continuous movement of feeling,
experiencing, feeling again, experiencing again, feeling differently and
experiencing differently. Moving, flowing, shifting closer together or
further apart, growing and dying out, everything is on the move. The
unchanging being simply does not exist’. |
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This is well
illustrated by a passage from The little house beside the water
(1921): |
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The biographers of Carry van Bruggen — Wolf and Jacobs — have little to
say about the significance of her Jewishness for the second series of
Jewish books that she published in the first half of the 1920s. As I
have mentioned, according to Wolf, after her liberation from bitterness
through the philosophical exercise that was Prometheus, the
assimilated Jew Carry van Bruggen wanted ‘to bear witness to the
richness of her
old roots’. For Jacobs, who explicitly refers to ‘books of
recollections’ but does not go into their place within the oeuvre of
Carry van Bruggen as a whole, the fact that they are set in a Jewish
milieu is ‘not essential’. The reviewers in the 1920s were very positive
about what they regarded as a new development in her writing. They
strongly preferred these books to the rest of Carry van Bruggen’s
oeuvre. Readers shared their opinion. The little house beside the
water, first published in 1921, went through fourteen impressions
before 1940. The positive reception of this work seems to be primarily
due to what on a superficial reading can be seen as their much less
heavily charged character. After all, the books were intended to
describe what took place in the minds of children, from the child’s —
especially the girl’s — lack of consciousness to the commencement of
consciousness with its fears and expectations. The themes of her prewar
series of Jewish books were certainly not absent now — on the contrary.
But they were woven into the stories in a much more refined way. Taken
as a whole, both the concentration on the theme of the child and the
apparent distance from questions of Jewishness, seemed to have taken the
barb out of Carry van Bruggen’s new work. |
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But Jewish
identity is not something that can be shaken off just like that, if at
all — not even by someone who had come to found her view of the world on
rootlessness, mobility and changeability. To a very large extent, the
origin of that relativistic view of the world adopted by Carry van
Bruggen lay in her Jewish identity, and that is in fact the main theme
of this series of postwar books. It is the mental world of the little
Jewish girl, who now unmistakably was Carry van Bruggen herself, that
she now, after Prometheus, wanted to elaborate in prose. ‘As long
as we remember something’, Carry van Bruggen was to write later in
Eve, ‘we have not yet lost it, as long as we can give it a name, we
still possess it.’ |
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She put down what she now cherished in her Jewish identity in the last
of this series of Jewish books, entitled Four Seasons. This book
was dedicated to the memory of her brother, Jacob Israel de Haan. As I
have already mentioned, as the war progressed he came more and more to
sympathise with orthodox Zionism. The Balfour Declaration of November
1917 had been taken as a sign of encouragement by the Dutch Zionists.
Some 2,300 enthusiastic Zionists assembled at a solidarity meeting in
the Amsterdam Concertgebouw in February 1918. While Carry van Bruggen
was strongly opposed to Zionism right from the start, De Haan
triumphantly emigrated to Palestine in 1919 and was given a send off by
the Dutch Zionists. However, he soon became a bitter opponent of
Zionism, and started to act as a mediator on
behalf of the
anti-Zionist Jewish community in Palestine and the ultra orthodox Jews
in the world to bridge the gap between Jews and Arabs. That led to what
has been called the first modern Jewish political murder. He was shot in
Jerusalem in 1924 by a Zionist, a drama that caused a major commotion
and inspired Arnold Zweig to write a novel that was published in 1932. |
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Carry van
Bruggen’s Four Seasons remembered him in the form of four
stories. The two children of the gazzen (the cantor in the synagogue)
from Zaandam, both born in the same year — 1881 —, had been very close
to one another as they grew up. They were still in close contact with
one another in the years before the First World War and shared the same
interests and circle of friends. Her brother’s rigorous embracing of the
orthodoxy of the Mezrachist Jews during the war alienated them from one
another, and his emigration to Eretz Israel in 1919 meant a rift between
brother and sister. His death was a great shock to her. Four Seasons,
which was published in the year of his death, presented the Jewishness
that she shared with him, the almost twin brother who had been so close
to her. Each of the four seasons in this book was the pretext to
illustrate one aspect of the personality of Jacob Israel de Haan: his
[self-?]tormenting sympathy with the persecuted (which was so strong
that he even went to visit Russian prisoners before the war, and on
which Carry van Bruggen also published); his intense interest in
linguistics (which she shared with him); the love of the celebration of
the Feast of Tabernacles in the autumn (she also looked back lovingly to
the warmth of the Jewish festivals); and the pride at being a descendant
of the respected rabbi and scholar Heele Arjei (of which she was also
proud). |
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Her novel Eve, which was published three years later, and is
still regarded as her masterpiece, had as its theme female identity.
Following on from the reflections of the little Jewish girl, whose
process of growing awareness she had described in the previous Jewish
series of collections of short stories, Carry van Bruggen now described
the inner world of the female main character, the process of growing
awareness of the adult woman. Eve was an elaboration in the form
of a novel of the philosophy that had been presented in Prometheus.
The novel is thus about a woman who is searching, who cannot accept
dogmas, and is thereby condemned to remain an outsider; at the same
time, she is the woman whose deepest desire is to achieve social, sexual
and spiritual unity with others. She has to find her way between these
two positions. Carry van Bruggen used the metaphor of the pendulum for
this search. The pendulum swings now this way, now that, symbolising the
alternating sway of the desire for
unity (which in
her philosophy means being absorbed by the other, a longing for death,
doubt and individualism) and of the desire to be distinctive (which
means a lust for life, dogmatism and collectivism). |
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The equilibrium
that the protagonist achieves at the end of the novel is bound to be
temporary: ‘She is a human being, a woman, and is not yet dead, so she
continues along the road that goes upwards-downwards’. Every
aspect of spiritual life crops up in this novel: aesthetic experience,
intellectual thought, moral judgement, religious and mystical
experience, sexuality. Eve is the account of a female change of
sensibility, expressed in the novel in the way in which the female
protagonist experiences the awareness of the relativity of time and
distance; how she has linked her recollections with music, with names
and places; how unhappy she is that she is different from the others
because of her search for meaning and the comparison of words — her
reflection on such terms as human being, time, space, life, death, love,
sacrifice, instinct, will. Eve is the testing of Prometheus
on woman’s reality — her mind and, finally now too, her body. I shall
illustrate this with a single example, the description of the birth of
her first child. |
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The reception of Eve in the late 1920s was, on the whole,
positive. The novel was inevitably dragged into the discussion of the
‘women’s novel’ that was raging at that time. That widely used term
referred to the literature that had been written by a group of female
authors born between 1870 and 1890, although the term itself went back
earlier. This was a strikingly large group of women writers whose débuts
were
around 1900 and who continued to publish into the 1930s. It was an
international phenomenon that was, of course, very closely connected
with the emancipation of a group of middle-class women who tried to
support themselves by writing. In the 18th and 19th
centuries the novel was regarded as the genre written by and for
women. Nathaniel Hawthorne spoke in this connection of the ‘damned mob
of scribbling women’. The novel was the way for women to make their
entry into intellectual life. Virginia Woolf offered a sociological
explanation for the form and content of these novels when she remarked
that: |
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It was a new
generation of critics in the Netherlands, connected with the magazines
for young people that began to appear after 1916, who used the term
‘women’s novel’ mainly in an ironical and pejorative way. The attack on
the alleged character of this genre clearly had a literary purpose.
There was a reaction to the broad stream of novels in the
naturalist-realist tradition, which were predominantly the work of women
authors. These novels were accused of being extremely limited in terms
of vision and content. They displayed ‘a shared confinement to a certain
kind of living room problem’, wrote Menno ter Braak, applying the
analysis of Virginia Woolf to discredit the Dutch women writers. An
enormous gulf between the ‘women’s novel’ and ‘genuine literature’
gradually appeared in the perception of the critics. |
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Menno ter Braak explicitly raised the question of female authors in his
review of Eve. In his view, this novel differed enormously from
the work of ‘the majority of the capable Dutch women novelists’, perhaps
not so much stylistically, but above all in terms of its content. Their
books were preoccupied with ‘the negative picture of literature written
by men’, by which he referred to negative masculinity and the
restriction or complete dependence of the sex which was displayed in
that work. However good they may have been, they never hinted that there
was something like ‘a particularly female consciousness’. Of course,
nobody could shake off his or her gender, but the problem was about how
that dependence could be turned into literature. According to Ter Braak,
Carry van Bruggen’s Eve had achieved that completely. Eve
was a quest for self-understanding that was grounded in the
conscious human
being. While Carry van Bruggen had arrived at that ‘sexless’ notion in
Prometheus, she had recovered her femininity in Eve. She
had shown that a feminine consciousness could only exist in a feminine
synthesis with the life of the senses, to which men were not always
responsive. She had also shown that that feminine synthesis need not
rule out consciousness at all. It was a myth, Ter Braak claimed, that a
woman’s understanding was irreconcilable with a woman’s life of the
senses. Eve — who was no one but Carry van Bruggen herself, as
the Modernist Ter Braak recognised — was thus ‘a female-conscious novel’
by a woman who had ‘not shied away from a single consequence of
thought’. |
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Menno ter
Braak’s words of appreciation seem to include Carry van Bruggen in the
new literary canon that he and Eddy du Perron were elaborating. However,
although he considered Eve to be superior to the category of
‘women’s novels’, he was still unable to categorise it as a novel pur
sang. He called Eve ‘the female accent’ in literature,
thereby relegating the novel to the margin of ‘genuine’ literature. It
could not be denied that Carry van Bruggen was a thinking and writing
woman, but she was not a fellow writer on an equal footing. Years later,
in 1935, Menno ter Braak returned to the subject of the ‘women’s
novels’. It was a pity, he wrote, that there was no Virginia Woolf or
Katherine Mansfield in the Netherlands, although Carry van Bruggen’s
Eve was a good example of such a ‘female accent in literature’. |
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The similarities between the work of Virginia Woolf and that of Carry
van Bruggen have only been discussed incidentally in Dutch literary
history. Moreover, it is regrettable that the only study in the
Netherlands to deal with both writers, that by Fokkema and Ibsch, has
not led to a more in-depth study of Carry van Bruggen’s work in that
connection. There are, after all, striking similarities in the lives and
writing careers of Virginia Woolf and Carry van Bruggen which add an
extra nuance to the work of the two women novelists. They were members
of the same generation: Carry van Bruggen was born in 1881, Virginia
Woolf a year later. Neither of them ever received a formal education,
and they were both teachers for a brief period. They both wrote essays
on being self-taught and on the social construction of knowledge. They
both experienced the role of women as that of outsiders. They both
stayed clear of the organised women’s movement, convinced as they were
that the relation of women to society was about more than equal rights —
it was also about their very identity as women and their dignity as
human beings. The experience of the First World War marked a break in
the ideas and
writings of them
both, due to an awareness of the fact that the war meant the end of an
era. They both emphatically turned their backs on the generation of
writers who symbolised that past era. Virginia Woolf regarded Wells,
Bennett and Galsworthy (the Edwardians) as the bone of contention. If
Woolf contrasted the external world of the Victorians with the inner
world of consciousness, Carry van Bruggen may be said to have done the
same, since she too explicitly rejected a previous generation of writers
whom she accused of producing ‘non-spiritual and materialistic work’.
There are also striking parallels in the way in which both Woolf and Van
Bruggen expressed their view of writing in their prose. Virginia’
Woolf’s To the Lighthouse was published in the same year as Carry
van Bruggen’s Eve. Carry van Bruggen can certainly be regarded as
one of ‘The Women of 1928’, the second Modernist generation of women
writers distinguished by Bonnie Kime Scott, consisting of Virginia Woolf,
Djuna Barnes and Rebecca West. |
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The connection
between literary text and sexuality — the question of the woman as
writer — was a key theme in the work of Virginia Woolf. She claimed that
women should have emancipated themselves from the male image of their
sex, the model of The Angel in the House, that was the product of an
ideology of the self-sacrificing, subordinate, sexless and passionless
woman. The reason why women originally wrote using pseudonyms was that
this enabled them ‘to free their own consciousness as they wrote from
the tyranny of what was expected from their sex’. Victorian women
writers were forced to make their heroines sexless creatures: the female
reproductive function was taboo as a literary subject, and women were
not supposed to have any sexual feelings at all. That era was now
largely a thing of the past, but Virginia Woolf herself still suffered
from its consequences: ‘Telling the truth about my own experiences as a
body, I do not think I solved’, she wrote. In A Room of One’s Own
she wrote that the ideal woman writer was one ‘who has forgotten that
she is woman’. For such a writer, men were no longer ‘the opposing
faction’. The masculine and feminine elements would be as one in the
ideal artist’s soul. |
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That is also how Carry van Bruggen saw things. In a review from 1904 she
had already expressed her opinion of the phenomenon of the woman as
author. She was particularly critical of the novels by women that she
had recently read. That was because, she wrote, those novels were
incomplete as regards form and content. Because of the great interest in
everything that women wrote and did nowadays, the writing woman was
simply not given the time for it. The recently emancipated women lacked
sufficient education, which made them insecure. And those feelings of
insecurity were then rubbed in as a ‘typically female
lack of
self-confidence’. Like Virginia Woolf, Carry van Bruggen grappled in her
work with the model of The Angel in the House. In her eyes, the modern
woman was the woman whose intellectual nature went without saying.
Precisely because on this point she was strongly opposed to thinking in
terms of difference, she was always to be critical of the women’s
movement. In the middle of the war, in 1917, she wrote sarcastically
about the movement of women for peace. If it had been hoped that the war
would finally bring people insight and that they would at last face up
to reality, she wrote, |
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And in the
middle of the war Carry van Bruggen wrote her essay Prometheus.
Thinking in terms of a difference between the sexes had no place in the
philosophy that she presented in that work. She was interested in the
difference between types of people, between ‘men of fact’ and ‘men of
idea’. There was no room for gender difference in that vision, because
both men and women could belong to either group. One of the most
successful talks that Carry van Bruggen gave in those years was entitled
‘De opheffing van de vrouw’. It took a while before the expectant
audience realised that in this case the word ‘opheffing’ meant not the
moral uplifting of woman, but her sublimation: |
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Her last novel was precisely about that — what makes a woman a human
being. In Eve, Carry van Bruggen gave form to a female Prometheus,
a woman of flesh and blood who, on the basis of her identity as a woman
and as a Jew, created a view of the world in which thinking in terms of
gender difference was suspended or abolished. In spite of all the
respect that the keen critic Menno ter Braak had for Carry van Bruggen’s
Prometheus and Eve, he failed to recognise that aspect of
her work. When Carry van Bruggen died in 1932 after years of illness
(she suffered from heavy depressions), he wrote a brief
obituary in
Forum, the magazine which many historians of literature consider her
to have created. In it, he expressed his indignation at the fact that
her life’s work, Prometheus, was ignored. It was not with
Helen or Eve, he considered, but with Prometheus, that
Carry van Bruggen had far outstripped the women writers of the
Netherlands. |
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He had no
objection to the fact that, when Annie Romein published a study of that
new phenomenon, the Dutch female novelist after 1880, she discussed
Carry van Bruggen’s work under the title ‘The feminine woman’. Romein
wrote that she considered the work of Carry van Bruggen to be marked by
‘a triple inferiority complex: as a Jew, as a self-taught petite
bourgeoise, and as a woman’. It is fortunate that Carry van Bruggen, who
was more aware than any of her contemporaries that sex, race and class
are not the essence of an identity, but a construction, did not live to
see that remark in print. |
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To
conclude: |
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In these three
Erasmus lectures on the history and civilisation of the Netherlands and
Flanders, I have taken the work of Carry van Bruggen out of the cupboard
again because the life and work of this Jewish woman writer have been a
good point of entry for me to investigate what being a woman and being a
Jew meant in Dutch culture and society in the period from 1900 to 1930.
It has not been my intention to provide a biographical sketch of Carry
van Bruggen, although her life is in need of a new biography. My aim in
these lectures has been to use the work of Carry van Bruggen as a guide
to show to what extent the writing of the Dutch history of this period
still suffers from a strongly national approach, leading to a serious
neglect of important aspects of Dutch culture from that period. That is
why I have adopted an explicitly transnational approach to the work of
this Jewish woman author. |
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In the first
lecture I focused on the history of Jewry in Europe on the eve of the
First World War. I showed how much the debate on Jewry and culture in
Germany was echoed in the Netherlands, and to what extent Carry van
Bruggen’s prewar stories and novels should be interpreted in that light.
The picture that emerged was one of a Dutch historiography whose
national, ‘integrational’ approach to the history of Jewry has paid
little attention, if any, to the profound changes that Zionism and the
international debate on Jewry and culture brought about in the
Netherlands. |
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The second
lecture was devoted to showing how much of an impact a war in which the
Netherlands was neutral nevertheless made on Dutch society and culture.
Carry van Bruggen’s essays are strongly marked by the experience of the
First World War, and are comparable in many respects with the way in
which culturally coming to terms with that war is regarded in current
English and French historiography. In the light of the Dutch neutrality,
the history of Dutch society and culture during the period around the
First World War has always been placed in a strictly national framework,
which is why the importance of a study like Prometheus has never
been properly recognised. |
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This third
lecture has been confined to the collections of short stories and to the
novel Eve, Carry van Bruggen’s work of the 1920s. I have
connected this work with the international Modernism of the period and
made a brief comparison of her work with that of Virginia Woolf. The
reception of Eve shows how the so-called ‘feminine accent’ of
this novel prevented its female author from being included within the
ranks of ‘genuine’, that is, male literature. In Dutch literary history
the debate on the nature of Modernism only got off the ground at a
relatively recent date. Once again, the reason for that should be sought
in the strong national orientation of Dutch researchers, who — with a
few exceptions — regarded Dutch culture as falling outside the
international Modernist canon. |
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| I know of no other Dutch woman writer in whose work the question of the significance of being a woman and a Jew, in other words the relation between identity and culture, has been considered as systematically and uncompromisingly as in that of Carry van Bruggen. As we have seen, they were both regarded as particularly problematic identities in the Netherlands during the period under review — not only by those who were Jews and women, but also by those who were neither. The Dutch debate on Jewish identity and culture has been heavily influenced by the developments that were launched by Zionism around 1900, in which the orientation of Dutch culture towards Germany was an important factor. The experience of inclusion and exclusion that accompanied the First World War — and the neutral Netherlands was no exception — was of equal importance for the debate on culture and identity. Carry van Bruggen felt her task to be the unmasking of the essentialism of identity, which was very much in vogue in her day, wherever she came across it: in language, in love, in science, in politics. She also felt that her task was not limited to that; she had to draw up a philosophy of life and the world in which the temporary nature and relativism of standpoints were to offer a counterweight to the growth of absolutism. As far as what she cherished in being a woman and a Jew was concerned, she regarded that growing absolutism as no less than life-threatening. | |||||||||||||||||||||
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